POLAND: HERE IS THE RECORD
By Ann Su Caldwell
Distributed by the Polonia Media Network
Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939, beginning World War II.
This writing was published in 1945 by the Michigan Committee of
Americans for Poland in Ann Arbor, Michigan. It not only presented an
accurate picture of pre-war and wartime history, but an insightful
prediction of the future. It was reintroduced in 1999 by Polonia Today
as Polonians around the world commemorated the 60th anniversary of the
invasion.
Part 7
POLAND OF THE FUTURE
It requires no special study to realize that if there is to be a free
and secure Poland it must also be a strong Poland. Otherwise it is a
source of constant temptation to powerful neighbors. As the largest of
the eastern European countries it is the nucleus around which an
advantageous federation could be built; for the fate of all its smaller
neighbors, as this war has demonstrated, is closely linked with Poland,
"the keystone of the arch."
For
Russia, Poland is the gateway to Europe. Through it Russia can enter the
western cultural and economic world on the roads of peace and greatly
enrich itself; or if Poland is weak, Russia can take the path of
disguised conquest.
Which of these roads Russia chooses is of vital importance to us,
since say what we will, European war means world war.
A "strong Poland" is a Poland able to play the role geography has
thrust upon it; a "free Poland" is one that governs itself without
outside interference and is nobody's sphere of influence or
protectorate. The Poles are not a homeless people for whom a country
must be found. They have occupied the lands within the 1919-1939
frontiers for over a thousand years. The very fact that "compensation
for loss of their eastern territories" is spoken of as a necessity
acknowledges Polish rights to those territories which, in so far as they
had not always been Polish, were not won by conquest or robbery but by
cultural penetration, or added through mutual consent.
PROBLEM NOT PRIMARILY A BOUNDARY ISSUE
However, the present question is not primarily one of boundaries. Why
should the territory of an ally, first to defend its rights, come into
question at all? The British were not thinking of giving away Polish
lands when they signed the agreement to aid in their defense, of giving
lands to a government that had signed a pact with Hitler and later
shared with him in partitioning Poland.
During
the eighteen years between the signing of the Riga Treaty (1921), fixing
the Polish-Soviet boundary, and the Soviet 1939 invasion, the Soviet
Union had never complained of boundary injustice. On the contrary, in
the "Great Soviet Encyclopaedia" and the "History of the All-Union
Communist Party," they wrote of the victory of the Red Army in the
Polish-Bolshevik War and of the Poles being forced to accept conditions
favorable to the Soviets because of the exhaustion of Polish troops. And
in connection with the Russo-Polish non-aggression pact initiated by
Moscow eleven years ago after the Riga Treaty, no slightest reference
was made to any Soviet claims on Poland's territory.
As for the White Ruthenian and Ukrainian minorities, no better
evidence is needed to show their unwillingness to become part of the
USSR than the way they have opposed Soviet authorities during both the
first (1939) and second (1944) Soviet occupation of Eastern Poland.
Latest word from the southeast area reports thousands of anti-Soviet
Ukrainians fleeing their home to live in the forests.
YALTA DECISIONS THREAT TO POLAND'S INDEPENDENCE
But
the real threat to Poland in the Yalta decisions concerns its
independence. The Lublin group is to be the dominating element in the
promised provisional government. That element, now in control of Poland
for over nine months, has shown the course it will follow, which is
nothing less than sovietization. Despite strict Soviet secret police
control, abundant confirmed information reaches the outside. It is the
purpose of the puppet Poles, merely a screen for the real actors-who are
the Soviet secret police--utterly to eliminate that part of the Polish
population refusing to accept Soviet domination. There is neither
freedom nor democracy under the Lublin group.
Tens of thousands of its rightful citizens are fighting with the
Allies, other tens of thousands-even if we think only of the area west
of the so-called Curzon Line-are still in Russia and Siberia, whither
they were deported in 1940. How fair, then, can be the elections
promised at Yalta?
We are all familiar with "No taxation without representation," and
"Give me liberty or give me death!" What is the difference between those
proud American slogans and the Polish "Nothing about us without us?" Yet
we presume to settle matters most vital to Polish national life without
one Pole being invited to the conference table.
POLAND TREATED AS ENEMY, NOT AS LOYAL ALLY
A peace attained by appeasement, if it be attained, is an unjust
peace. We have had it dinned in our ears from the day the war began that
an unjust peace will never endure. Thus the President himself and many
of bur officials have spoken.
To
quote Senator Vandenburg, "In my opinion no permanent peace is possible
without a constant, conscious mandate to seek and maintain justice as
the basis of peace."
At Yalta, Poland the ally received worse treatment than did Germany
the enemy. Germany is to be administered by a commission from the chief
four of the United Nations. This the Polish Government had previously
asked for Poland until such time as a permanent Polish Government could
be established; and was refused. Poland had to accept Soviet
administration alone.
According to Yalta, Germany the aggressor may or may not lose 12 to
15% of its territory, as the determination of Poland's western frontier
is left for the peace conference. Poland, defender of liberty, is to
surrender 42 per cent of her lands immediately. German prisoners of the
Allies will be safe, well fed, clothed, and housed. Polish soldiers
fighting alongside British, American, and French will be unable to
return to their homeland, yet no provision whatever is made for them.
WHAT AMERICA CAN DO
To quiet our consciences we are told that perfectionism is
unattainable and must not be expected. That is not an excuse for
abandoning ideals, rather, an incentive to strive toward them.
America
can insist upon the Soviet Union changing its policy toward Poland and
other neighbor nations. If the Soviets refuse, then we can refuse them
further aid. If we must now make all the concessions when Stalin speaks,
what chance will there be for us to act independently when much of
Europe is under Soviet control or influence--a situation forecast for
1946 by many qualified observers.
It is likewise conceded in informed circles that the USSR will be
powerful in China. Iran is being prepared for the picking. India is a
source of extreme British uneasiness. Unless we wake up, the Soviet
Union may confront us some fine morning with the fait accompli of
European and Asiatic hegemony.
Then we would have problems indeed. How could American agriculture
and industry ever hope to compete with Russia in world markets? What
would then happen to American wages and living standards?
POLAND'S INDEPENDENCE VITAL TO ENDURING PEACE
The
Polish-Soviet problem ceased to be Polish-Soviet at Teheran and became
American-British-Soviet. The Yalta decisions in February, 1945, only
increased British and American responsibility for insisting on a more
nearly tolerable and enduring settlement-not by so-called "realistic"
power-politics masquerading as military expediency, but in terms of
Poland's just claims to freedom and independence.
In striving to save the integrity and independence of Poland,
Americans are not being romantic, impossibly idealistic, or even
altruistic, but actually acting in defense of enduring peace. Great
patience, skill, understanding, and resoluteness--particularly
resoluteness--will be required, but it is America's duty, even for
selfish reasons, to convince the Soviet Union that friendly neighbors
are a much greater asset than hostile subjects, in peace or war.
[Editor's Note: Unfortunately, as we know, the world did not listen
to the warnings issued in the above writing.]
--Conclusion--
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