Some Polish Americans are having a hard
time coming to terms with the election of Bronislaw Komorowski as
President of the Republic of Poland. Having been Acting President since
the tragic plane crash of April 10, he was elected by the citizenry on
July 4 and will be inaugurated in his own right as President in August,
2010.
We thought the days of the witch-hunters
was almost over in Polonia, but it lingers on. The extreme right-wingers refer
to the incoming President as a communist or, at least, a sympathizer.
The epithets are still applied to anyone with whom they don’t agree.
These are the same sorts who cannot accept Barack Obama as President of
the United States. Being Black does not seem to be Obama’s problem, but
being liberal and supporting real democracy makes him anathema. The same
reasoning applies to Komorowski. If you do not bow to the outdated
notions of conservatism, well, you must be a commie. Somehow, it makes
sense to those opponents who have convinced themselves that beating the
other side to absolute submission by any means elevates them to the
pinnacle of democracy. Weird, but it seems they actually believe it.
It has taken me a long time to say it
openly, although I’ve been thinking it for a long time, but
ultra-conservatives are a bit goofy and a lot deluded. Examine them
sufficiently and you will find their extreme beliefs to be founded on
false notions of history, a misunderstanding of the basic tenets of
democracy, a confusion of the relative positions of church and state,
and, of course, a mistrust of the people. The latter notion follows from
the conceit that only they can know the truth. Paradoxically, the truth
would make them free, but they do not want to displace their own deeply
entrenched ideology with anything else, regardless of how sensible or
reasonable.
Getting back to President-Elect Komorowski
himself and his supposedly communist background. The truth is that he
acted with the democratic opposition during the communist regime as an
underground publisher. He was sent to prison in 1979 along with other
members of the Movement in Defense of Human and Civil Rights. Them in
1980-81, he worked in Solidarity’s Center of Social Investigation.
During the same period, he signed the founding declaration of the Clubs
in Service of Independence. Much of the foregoing led to him be interned
under martial law. It should not come as a surprise, then, that he
taught at a seminary from 1981-89.
Yes, that’s the guy the Jaroslaw Kaczynski
supporters call a "commie."
The Polonian right-wingers are clearly at
odds with Poland’s increasingly liberal population, much of which
considered Komorowski’s election opponent, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, to be a
political Neanderthal, out of step with a modern Poland, which is
swiftly and increasingly assimilating with the rest of Europe and
Western thought. Even more succinctly put, Kaczynski is a fossil,
wanting to rule a politically and socially backward Poland that no
longer exists and surely never will again.
American Poles who retain Polish passports
could vote in the July 4 election. Unlike those who remained in Poland,
they voted in favor of Kaczynski, leading my friends in Poland to ask
how they could be so far removed from the Polish consensus. It is not an
easy question to answer, except for what has already been said at length
above and, perhaps, separation from the homeland for so long having
frozen them in a time now past. After all, the extreme right was once a
reasonable reply to the extreme left and it must be hard to shake that
posture … or to get in step with a maturing democratic Poland.
There are basically three groups of
opinions about polka music. One group holds up their noses, suggesting
that unless its Chopin, Moniuszko, or one of those guys, it can’t be
good. Another thinks it’s passé, an old musical form not relevant to the
21st century. The third just says it’s a heck of a lot fun.
I’m unabashedly with the third group. Polka
music is fun and it sounds great. If you are breathing and devoid of one
of the aforementioned prejudices, you will admit that it makes you
smile, tap your feet and, if you know the words, sing out loud. Yeah,
it’s a heck of a lot of fun and, unless the rules changed when I wasn’t
looking, there is nothing wrong with having harmless fun.
Don’t get me wrong. I have nothing against
the classical composers. I refer to persons like Chopin and Moniuszko,
though, simply as "guys," not in disrespect, but they are simply just
that … not gods, but human. Some of those classical guys even wrote
polkas, although usually not the kind that are very exciting.
The truth is that those who consider
themselves too sophisticated for polkas, actually are not. The true
sophisticate would appreciate every form of music, from that of the
masters to rock. It is all a form of expression and the real music lover
would savor the variations in each. Snobs are boring, anyway. (You can
exclude rap, of course, because if that is music, decayed garbage is
art. On the other hand, if obscenity is your thing, you might be allowed
to accept it as a low form of poetry, but not music, please.)
It is mainly the young who think of polka
music as woefully out of date. That is just another form of snobbery,
which differs only from the more senior form by reason of the offender’s
age. They perceive jumping around to rock music as fun and, although
slightly older than dirt, I share their enthusiasm for rock, from
classic to the variety of contemporary forms. Nevertheless, youths
apparently fail to realize that polka not only allows you to move your
body in spectacular and innovative ways, but actually permits you to
touch your partner while dancing.
Whoa, maybe that’s the problem … a youthful
fear of actually interacting with another human, rather than existing in
one’s "own space." Well, kids, get over it. Despite the singularity
taught to us by our modern forms of communication, you’re going to have
to relate directly to the rest of humanity somewhere along the line or
find this a very dreary world. Believe me, youngsters, interacting can
be pretty cool … and I’m sure you know what I mean.
And, one of the awesome things about polka
music is that there are so many forms. Naturally, there are the numerous
nationality types, such as German or Slovenian, but there are a great
many variations just within the Polish genre, which might certainly be
argued to be the largest of all the forms. It ranges from the
traditional, early forms, to Honky and Push, and there are new styles in
the making. Today’s polka bands are experimenting with mixtures of other
musical styles. If country-western has rockabilly, we have polkarock and
polkabilly, and more, and I’m not kidding about that. You name it and
the long list of talented polka musicians will try it. Sometimes it
works and sometimes it doesn’t, but polka music is far from static, it
continues to evolve.
Alright, it is pretty clear by now that I’m
into polka music (as well as all other musical forms.) Maybe it’s
because I have a good ear or maybe just because I love the happy, fun
sound. Whatever the reason, I sincerely invite the "snobs" on both sides of the spectrum,
from the senior sophisticates to the suspicious young. As they say, "Try
it, you’ll like it."
The best part is that polka people are
non-judgmental. You can join the dancers at a polka event and no one
will pick you apart for using the wrong steps or moving your body in an
incorrect way. You might even invent a new style … that’s fine, too. Or,
join in the ever-growing numbers who just enjoy standing in front of the
band, exactly as at a rock concert, hearing the great sounds and
cheering on their favorite musicians.
As was observed above, polka music is a
heck of a lot of fun. You are more than welcome to join in.
Polish Americans have been complaining
about descriptions such as "Polish concentration camps" and "Polish
death camps" for years now. At first we assumed these were just mistakes
made by the uninformed, confused or simply ignorant. Later, we began to
get concerned and suspect that there just might be some animosity
involved.
Today, I have less doubt. Surely, anyone
who writes about "Polish" concentration or death camps is either a bigot
or a moron. Considering that reporters and columnists are generally well
educated and reasonably intelligent, I would vote for "bigot," except
that it is too simple an explanation and does reach to the roots of the
problem.
Recently an article in the widely
circulated Parade magazine referred to concentration camps and
the ghetto in Warsaw as being Polish. Well, three should no longer be
any need to explain that they may have been situated in Poland, but
characterizing them as Polish is a major historical error. There is no
excuse for any educated person not knowing that these places were
created and managed by the Germans. On an equal par is hiding the true
identity of the perpetrators by constantly referring to them as "Nazis."
Described only as Nazis, the uninformed reader, particularly the young
not familiar with the history of World War II, might easily assume them
to be Polish. That is misinformation by misdirection.
Mistakes or purposeful? Again, it is
difficult to believe that it is merely error. Just sloppy reporting? If
so, it is still inexcusable and would not be tolerated by editors in any
other situations.
The Parade article was written by a
gentleman named Blumenthal. It may not be politically correct to mention
that this writer has a typically Jewish name, but it is factual. The
point is made here only because the description of German camps and
ghettos as Polish is too often made by Jewish writers. Poles have
ignored stating this because we do not want to be equally guilty of the
bigotry apparently evidenced by those authors. Ignoring the truth,
however, does not help to rectify a wrongful situation. Sometimes,
regardless of how hard it may be, reality must be faced head on.
There are reasons why Jewish writers may
tend to think of German crimes on Polish soil to be actually the work of
Poles. Those motivations may not bestow total innocence upon the
writers, but they do account somewhat for the incorrect descriptions.
To some extent, the reason may be seen as
"hereditary," not in the physical, but the psychological, sense. Young
Jews were often taught that the transgressions were Polish, either by
intentional falsehoods or by carelessly defined statements. Polish guilt
is, therefore, deeply ingrained in some persons from their youth and
difficult to correct even by education and investigation. It is not easy
to erase the lessons taught on the knee of one’s grandfather.
German Jews, such as those with Germanic
names like Blumenthal, considered themselves superior to Slavic Jews,
just as other Germans claimed superiority over all Slavs. There has
always been a love-hate relationship between German Jews and other
Germans, so it was not difficult to ascribe the offenses within Polish
borders to the residents rather than the German occupiers. Recall the
difficult truth that Jews initially refused to believe that the German
population could commit atrocities against them and resisted leaving
what they considered to also be their fatherland.
The foregoing is explored here primarily as
a part of the difficult task of perfecting Polish-Jewish relations. If
some Jews have inaccurately described the events of WWII, some Poles
have also incorrectly portrayed the history of Jews in Poland. Both
sides have to discard old concepts and look anew at each other, and
their mutual history. Only then will false statements disappear.
A professor from Poland recently denigrated
a Polish American leader, revered by most, but even grudgingly respected
by those who held him in somewhat less esteem. It is an incident
reminiscent of the spurious claims made by the infamous U.S. Senator Joe
McCarthy in the 1950s. More about that a little later, but first some
background about a process known as "lustration."
In ancient times lustration referred to
purification rites of the Greeks and Romans. Today, it has come to mean
policies aimed at limiting the participation of former communists,
particularly those who were informers for the secret police, in other
words a kind of political purifying.
The first lustration legislation was passed
by the Polish Parliament in 1992, but was declared unconstitutional by
the Constitutional Tribunal, a judicial body similar to the Supreme
Court in the U.S. After a few other efforts, a new law was adopted in
1996. The Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) was given some key
powers over the process and exercise of lustration Again, though, key
articles of the law were found to be unconstitutional in 2007. Today,
the whole thing is in question and some observers feel the secret police
files should simply be opened to the public and let the chips fall where
they may. Others think the release of all of the personal and
confidential information contained in the files would cause unacceptable
harm to innocent people.
While lustration in Poland is somewhat of a
dormant issue, there are those in the United States, particularly on the
West Coast, who contend that communist agents remain active here and
that lustration should be adopted in Polonia. Their favorite initial
source of information is the so-called Wildstein List, named for
Bronislaw Wildstein, a reporter who secretly copied the information from
the national archives. It contains the names of some 162,617 individuals
who are believed to have worked for the Polish intelligence services.
However, it also includes persons who the secret police wanted to
recruit, but were never successful in that effort.
Naturally, this lustration process has some
innate faults. Even a cursory examination of the Wildstein List reveals
that it includes many common names, giving rise to errors in solid
identification. Others were persons from whom it was hoped information
could be obtained. Likewise, the security or secret police are known to
have contrived some reports, mostly for the purpose of their own
aggrandizement and promotion.
In California, accusations against a
Polonian leader, hotly contested until this day, ultimately drove him
from his positions and completely out of the state. Others less
prominent have allegedly suffered similar indignities.
And now to the current situation. In its
vetting inquiries about Polonia, Dr. Slawomir Cenckiewicz climbed to the
top of the list of accusers, proclaiming a bombshell at a press
conference dedicated to Stephen Korbonski, author of books about the
Polish experience in WWII. Cenckiewicz announced that the IPN has found
two documents indicating that Edward J. Moskal, the longtime President
of the Polish National Alliance (PNA) and the Polish American Congress
(PAC), who deceased five years ago, was a contact for Polish
intelligence, which at that time was under control of the Soviets. Many
observers believe that Cenckiewicz failed in his investigation approach
and, in fact, his claims left a deep scar on his prior achievements
regarding the subject of collaboration with Polish Communist authorities
in Poland. The documents submitted by Cenckiewicz simply did not show
anything which would actually indicate any activity for the communists
by Moskal.
Nevertheless, the harm was done. Circulated
immediately by Polish press agencies in releases about the conference,
an article immediately appeared on March 25, 2010, in Rzeczpospolita
[The Republic], a major newspaper. It was eagerly repeated by other
parts of the media as a sensational story.
There are no kind words with which to
describe the "revelation" by Cenckiewicz. He is a fool and the
accusation is absurd.
I attempt to refrain from becoming personal
in my editorial writing, but it is impossible in this situation. As then
Director of Public Relations for the Polish National Alliance, I worked
and socialized closely with Edward J. Moskal for almost a decade, even
traveling to Poland with him after the nation won its freedom. It would
be difficult to find a greater and more dedicated American and Pole than
he was.
Edward Moskal, a WWII U.S. Army veteran,
struggled long and hard for the causes of both the United States and
Poland. For his efforts, he was honored on numerous occasions by
government and church in both nations. Among his greatest
accomplishments was his fight for the inclusion of Poland in NATO, an
endeavor in which I remain proud to have worked under his leadership. It
was a political battle that certainly did not please the communists,
whom he detested.
Although there are those who disagreed with
President Moskal’s methods, his opinions or his tendency toward
hyperbole, even they would never question his loyalty and patriotism.
The suggestion by Cenckiewicz is a sin of the most dire kind. He is in
serious need of "purification."
Edward J. Moskal, by his life and his
deeds, deserves to be recalled as a great and patriotic Polish American.
It seems as though it has been going on
forever and the discussion, including the rather nasty disagreements,
about healthcare reform continue. Everyone agrees that the U.S.
healthcare insurance system is broken, but very few agree on the
repairs.
In this country, some presidents, primarily
Democrats, have been trying to fix the cracks for years. President
Clinton tried and failed. President Obama has found it to be a Herculean
task and his effort has seriously affected his approval rating. Let’s
face it; this is a thorny issue, not made easier by the fear tactics
employed by the rightwing.
If it is any consolation, it is not a
simple matter in Poland, either. The current coalition, led by the Civic
Platform (PO) party, is having its efforts at reform hampered, as well,
although the group’s solutions are quite different from the American
situation.
While the Obama Administration is
attempting to solve problems with a governmental solution, Donald Tusk’s
government is trying to bring more market-based reform into the system.
The U.S. spends more on healthcare than any
other nation, but millions of Americans do not have even basic care.
While the right does its best to scare the citizenry away from
meaningful change in that regard, public programs such as Medicare and
Medicaid have exceptionally high satisfaction rates from its users.
The Polish situation is almost the reverse.
Poland spends less on healthcare than almost any nation in Europe, but
manages to cover everyone. Unfortunately, though, it has a swollen
bureaucracy, mediocre use of equipment and poor management.
When we observe other fields of general
public interest, it is clear that a good mixture of public and private
institutions, and solutions, work best. A leading Polish magazine
recently came to exactly that same conclusion, pointing to education as
a good example. So, asked the editors, why not adopt a similar
philosophy when it comes to healthcare?
Despite screams from the oppositions, it is
clear upon fair inspection, that both Tusk and Obama are each simply
trying to accelerate the move toward private-public cooperation, rather
than promoting a revolutionary change from one method to the other.
Complete transformation to a private system in Poland is impossible and
a overall switch to a public program is vastly unpopular in the U.S. The
leaders of both countries are certainly wise enough to recognize those
realities.
The Polish answer to the healthcare dilemma
may well be that private companies should take over the management of
many more public hospitals. Noting the obvious inability of private
insurers to meet the needs of every member of the U.S. population, some
sort of public solution must be adopted. For differing problems there
are different answers, but both the U.S. and the Polish difficulties can
be alleviated by devising acceptable levels of participation by private
and public entities.
No plan will ever be totally satisfactory
to everyone, but serious predicaments can give rise to a serious
acceptance of compromise. We must hope that the citizenry, and the
politicians, in each country have the wisdom and goodwill to adopt a
suitable degree of conciliation. After all, your health may depend on
it.
Everyone has sometime or other heard the
story of the Phoenix, the bird that is reduced to ashes, but
from which a new creature is reborn anew to live again. Although there
may be some ashes for Polonia in the latest of the Illinois elections,
there is also hope for rebirth.
It is common to hear that Chicago has the
second largest Polish population, outdistanced only by Warsaw. It is
just as usual to observe that as many Poles as there may be in the Windy
City, it has had very little political power in recent years.
There are various reasons for Polonia’s
political decline in Illinois, but not least among them is that Polish
Americans have simply failed to enter the field. Obviously, you cannot
win a race if you do not run. There was some forward movement in that
regard, however, this year. More Poles became actively involved in the
races for public office, and important spots at that, than we have seen
in quite some time.
There were Pol-Ams running for Governor,
Cook County Commissioner, Illinois Senate, Appellate Court, Circuit
Court Judge and more. These are not lowly positions. They can wield
influence and give Polonia some real political muscle.
The votes were quickly counted and there
were some serious disappointments, as well as some success stories. We
called it a "mixed bag," but perhaps we were just expecting too much for
a community that has stood by the sidelines for too long.
There is a saying to the effect that "it’s
not how you win, but how you play the games." Our candidates played the
game well, so they should be more proud than discouraged. There’s
another adage that encourages "if at first you don’t succeed, try, try
again." We suggest that the Polish American candidates adopt that
positive attitude. It has been seen to result in political success more
often historically than we can here recount.
There are problems, of course, as there
almost always are in any endeavor. Poles are more apt to donate millions
for a statue than they are to give nickels for political campaigns.
Moreover, although our community may debate political issues, they too
often demonstrate a distrust of involvement in the actual battles. There
is an habitual pessimism about government that is simply debilitating.
None of the foregoing spells success, but we saw a welcome shift among
many Polonians this year, almost imperceptible in past years, but slowly
growing, away from those old habits that brought us nothing but defeat.
Congratulations to all those who sought
public office, whether they won or lost. They served Polonia well just
by their efforts.
The point is relatively simple. Chicago’s
Polonia can rise from the political abyss and gain its rightful place in
the political sphere. We can bemoan the recent loses, but we should take
them as learning experiences, determined to move forward at the next
opportunity. Yes, just as the Phoenix, Polonia can surely rise from the
ashes.